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Willey的书房，学到的不仅是考试
一、楔子：
我们前面畅谈的话题，是SAT美国人文历史的第一部分，《国家诞生篇》，从四篇历史文献入手，简要了解北美从殖民地时期到独立运动时期的思想概况、风土人情，具体如下：
1、从《五月花号公约》谈英属北美殖民地的初创；
国家诞生篇（一）- 从《五月花号公约》说起2、从《不自由毋宁死》谈大陆会议期间，北美殖民地的各类对待英国的态度和独立思潮的发展；
国家诞生篇 （二）- 自由的呼声：《不自由毋宁死》3、从《常识》谈北美殖民地的独立思潮强心剂；
国家诞生篇 （三）- 潘恩和他的《常识》4、从《独立宣言》谈北美殖民地的最终选择；
国家诞生篇（四）-《独立宣言》与“没想好的北美革命”希望大家能够通过对历史背景和历史文献的阅读，深刻体会240年前，在北美大陆发生的那场影响人类社会发展的运动，进而理解当今的美国，其社会生活各种现象的根源。见微而知著，慎终而追远，才能逐渐形成对未来生活很有帮助的批判性思维。
之前的畅谈，我们更多是从事件发展和文献阅读的角度展开。从今天起，我们新开辟一个专题，从人物志和人物评价的角度，探讨一下北美独立运动和制宪会议的风起云涌。毋庸置疑，我们首当其冲选择的第一位人物，也是美国建国史上排名第一的将军，现在美国首都“花生屯”的原型，乔治华盛顿（George Washington）。二、斯人斯事
历来的开国领袖、建国皇帝，总是被人歌颂、记录、品评最多的，华盛顿也不例外。无论是从历史课本、人物传记、大众读物，我们总会时不时地看到华盛顿的影子。为了比较真实地了解这位伟人，我推荐读一本有关华盛顿的人物传记，即美国著名作家华盛顿欧文（Washington Irving）的作品，《华盛顿传》The Life of George Washington。我在此用很短的笔墨勾勒出印象中，华盛顿最关键，或者说，最广为流传的一些事迹：
1、华盛顿的樱桃树：夸赞华盛顿诚实品质的故事。讲华盛顿小时候，误砍父亲最心爱的樱桃树，但勇于承认错误，受到父亲赞美。
本故事流传极广，但纯属虚构。
2、华盛顿担任大陆军总司令：华盛顿驾驭历史车轮的第一步。在北美第二次大陆会议（1775年）上，由于卓越的威望和能力，被任命为大陆军总司令，奔赴战场。
3、华盛顿横渡特辣华河：华盛顿军事生涯的著名特写之一。
具体事件是1776年12月25日，华盛顿针对黑森雇佣兵的一次突袭行动，横渡特拉华河的场景。
据说，彪悍的人生，总要跨过一条湍急的河流，给后人留下无限的遐想；历史上，还有另一位伟大的将军渡过一条河流，成为他伟大人生的重要转折点，那就是凯撒跨越卢比孔河（古罗马由共和制向帝制变革的转折点）。当然，还有另一位伟大的将军，跨不过横亘在面前的河流，也跨不过自己的傲娇和尊严，最终选择自杀，那就是项羽自刎乌江。
当然，历史总是任人打扮的小姑娘。在这幅著名画作中（目前就挂在白宫西翼接待区），在船上只有两位站着的人，一位是华盛顿，一位是后来的第五任总统门罗（渡河时，只是个普通士官，估计给了画家好些钱，才把他描画得如此高大威猛）；而门罗手中的星条旗，要到渡河之后半年，才产生。
4、华盛顿的祷告：华盛顿军事生涯的著名特写之二。
创业艰难百战多。独立战争中的华盛顿，并不像我们想象的那么意气风发，百战不殆。反之，他要不断面临各种挑战，诸如英帝国的强大、同僚的忌讳、大陆会议的猜疑、缺兵少粮、武器军饷供应不足等等。而这时，一幅惊世之作出现，那就是华盛顿在山谷，单膝跪地，向上帝祈祷，希望得到正确的指引。
5、华盛顿向大陆会议递交兵权并辞职：华盛顿军事生涯的著名特写之三。华盛顿最大的人格魅力在于，他对于权力和地位的拒绝。这一点，难能可贵，我们后面也会不断提起。独立战争临近结束的时候，大陆会议的代表们已经对华盛顿怀有各种猜忌，因为历来国家初建，由将军变身为皇帝的事例比比皆是；很多时候，即使将军本人最开始没有这个想法，也通常架不住一众幕僚和下属的怂恿和鼓励。赵匡胤、袁世凯、拿破仑，无一不是如此。
华盛顿通过大陆会议在独立战争末期的种种刁难，也能够体会个中滋味，他一方面智慧地安抚了手下士兵的不满情绪（胜利后没有获得应有的军饷和报酬），一方面在回归大陆会议所在地费城的路上，分散清退士兵，不给大陆会议代表造成得胜还朝、飞扬跋扈的印象。最终，在进入费城前，华盛顿遣散了身边最后的两位士兵，之后向大陆会议递交兵权，随即宣布辞职（辞去大陆军总司令的职务）。
北美殖民地人民最担忧的帝制可能性，也因为华盛顿的高风亮节，而得到一层坚固的保险屏蔽。人类社会向现代民主制度，迈进了一大步。
6、华盛顿就职第一任总统北美独立战争结束四年后（1787年），北美各州代表，再次齐聚费城，通过三个月的制宪会议，对邦联条例进行讨论，并最终通过《美国宪法》和《权利法案》。最终，选举华盛顿为第一任美国总统（1789年）。
7、华盛顿宣布中立于法国大革命华盛顿当选总统后不久，法国大革命爆发，虽有托马斯 杰佛逊等人，积极号召美国人民支持法国革命运动，阻击英国商船，但华盛顿极其冷静地力排众议，坚持初建的美国 *** 在法国大革命中保持中立态度。后来的历史表明，如果不是华盛顿的智慧决断，刚刚成立的美国很可能迅速夭折。
8、华盛顿的谢幕演出——告别演说 Farewell Address
华盛顿再次表现出他对于权力和地位的拒绝，在连任两届美国总统后，宣布不再参加第三次竞选，并发表著名的《告别演说》Farewell Address，进而对北美帝制的不可能性，再加一道保险。评注：
华盛顿的一生作为，体现了西方古典绅士应有的各种美德，而我希望着重强调的，是华盛顿的谦逊。推荐一本书，即中国古典国学中的《易经》。
易经六十四卦中，没有一卦全好，也没有一卦全坏，好中有坏，坏中有好，只有一卦比较算是六爻皆吉，那就是谦卦。所谓“谦”卦，比喻功高不自居，名高不自誉，位高不自傲。所以佛家让我们学空，真正做到了谦，无我，才真能做到菩萨的慈爱。道家老子云：“我有三宝：曰慈，曰俭，曰不敢为天下先。”不敢为天下先就是“谦”。儒家云：吾日三省吾身，也即凡事向内看，而不是找外因。三、谢幕演出
华盛顿一生的文档资料很多，包括书信、演讲稿、 *** 档案等；其中最感动我的，是他的这篇《告别演说》，全文6000余字，可以约略分为五个部分：
1、开门见山，宣布自己即将隐退，不参加下一次总统选举；
2、强调联邦制的重要性；
3、反对政治派系斗争；
4、阐述当时美国的国际关系和国际政策；
5、告别演说，谦逊离场；
我节选出2000字的核心篇幅，我们一起阅读（重点部分已用红色字体标注）：
1、开门见山，宣布自己即将隐退，不参加下一次总统选举；
Friends and Citizens:
The period for a new election of acitizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time,to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respectfor your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
这里我重点勾划的句子，是“your thoughts must beemployed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that importanttrust”（大家必须运用思想来考虑这一重任付托给谁）；这与我们一直强调的，北美 *** 倡导自治和法治的理念是一脉相承的。
我们中国人总说，“民为贵，社稷次之，君为轻”，但真正实践起来，绝大多数是反向的，也就是说，心口不一。然而，当这些话从华盛顿的《告别演说》中流露出来的时候，我可以百分百地相信，他是口心如一的。理由很简单，当时在北美，如果不是他自己心甘情愿辞去总统职务的话，没有人、也没有相关法律条款可以制约他（尽管当时《美国宪法》规定总统最多只能当选两届，但还处于实验期）。
我们之前谈过潘恩在《常识》中对当时北美现状的分析。
他指出，当时的北美大陆（1776年），还处在各种利益的产生期，而不是制衡期。正因为处于利益产生期，开创者的心态更谦卑，思路更开阔，相互掣肘的可能性更低。
反之，如果一旦过了这段黄金时期，而到了潘恩预言的利益制衡期（25年后），情况就将急转直下。
而美国的幸运则在于， *** 初创时期的国父们，是一群“有着广泛民众基础的近乎天真的人道追求”（林达语）的人。
斯情斯景，斯人斯事，着实令人敬佩和向往。2、强调联邦制的重要性；
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patrioti *** more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
华盛顿对联邦制的态度很清晰，就是支持联邦制，反对分裂。他将国家比作大厦，而 *** 的统一，则是大厦的基石，以确保“国内的安定，国外的和平”，确保“（人民的）安全，繁荣，以及真正的自由。”有关联邦制的特征及讨论，我们将在后面《汉密尔顿和<联邦党人文集>》中具体讨论，这里就不赘述了。3、反对政治派系斗争；
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.… I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despoti *** . But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despoti *** .The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his compe *** s, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.
华盛顿任总统期间，最头疼的问题之一，就是在独立战争时期的战友和朋友，在组建和运行 *** 工作时的分化和对立，而派系之争也是促使他宁愿辞去总统职务的主要原因之一。他深 *** 争，但除去大声疾呼，居中调停外，无能为力，因为人性如此。想想刚刚结束的美国大选，川普和希拉里的终极对决，峰回路转，柳暗花明，你方唱罢我登场，这是连上帝都无法解决的问题（按《圣经》旧约的说法，上帝是人类党争的发起者，造了座巴比尔塔），更何况华盛顿。
正如牛顿所说，“我能计算出天体运行的轨迹，却难以预料到人性的疯狂。”4、阐述当时美国的国际关系和国际政策；
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on oneside, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged infrequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
作为 *** 首脑，需要考虑的核心问题无外乎两条：内政与外交。保持国内的和平稳定与保持国际间的正常往来同等重要。
华盛顿作为 *** 首脑，对北美 *** 的外交政策可谓是深思远虑，表现出一个政治家应有的气度和智慧。如前所述，华盛顿的首届 *** 与法国大革命几乎同时发生（1789年），在处理与法国关系上，就显得格外重要。
当时以托马斯杰佛逊为代表的一众亲法人士，积极号召美国人民支持法国革命运动，阻击英国商船，但华盛顿极其冷静地力排众议，坚持中立态度，并将“中立不结盟政策”定为美国的基本国策，直到130年之后，一战时期的美国总统伍德罗 威尔逊提出“国联”（联合国的前身）建议时，国会依旧以“不结盟政策”而没有投票通过。5、告别演说，谦逊离场；
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
最终，曲终人散，华盛顿宣布告别。“我以欢欣的期待心情，指望在我切盼实现的退休之后，我将与我的同胞们愉快地分享自由 *** 治下完善的法律的温暖——这是我一直衷心向往的目标，并且我相信，这也是我们相互关怀，共同努力和赴汤蹈火的优厚报酬。“
从那一刻起，他从一位国家总统，又变成了一位普通公民，除了荣誉外，不享有任何特权。但恰恰是这么一位在权力面前选择拒绝的人，为这个新诞生的国家，按下了良好的开端按钮。美国人民也没有遗忘他，把他当做了最著名的两位国父之一（另一位是托马斯杰佛逊），永久仰慕。四、尾声与跋
至此，希望用一段话，总结华盛顿的一生：
“顺者为人，逆者为神。手攥得再紧，仅一拳之利，放开，一切皆在眼前。放下执着，放下习惯，放下我，无我，所得天下！常常，人没有如此胆量和胸怀。而在美国，有一个人做到了，那就是乔治华盛顿。”
有关“顺者为人、逆者为神”这个思路，推荐一套印度哲人奥修的丛书，《奥修作品 *** 集》，共有六册，大爱其中的《庄子心解》和《天下大道》。下期预告：
我们下次聊北美独立战争时期的智者 本杰明 富兰克林，相信会很精彩。（未完待续）
